Marketing Ethics Into The Marketing Process - 1471 Words

Ethical Marketing Ethical marketing refers to the application of marketing ethics into the marketing process. Ethical marketing is about making marketing decisions that are morally right. The ethics of the marketing decision can incorporate any part of marketing including sourcing of raw materials, staff employment and product advertising and pricing. Sound marketing ethics are usually those that result in consumer satisfaction, with no negative effect, with the goods and services being recognized or with the company producing them. Ethical marketing generally results in a more socially responsible and culturally thoughtful business community. The concern with ethical issues has changed the attitude of the world towards a more socially responsible way of thinking. This has influenced companies to market their products in a more socially responsible way. Ethical marketing is less of a marketing strategy and more of a way of life that enlightens all marketing efforts. It seeks to promote honesty, fairness, and responsibility in all advertising. Some businesses pursue ethical marketing because they feel that is what customers expect from them. Some consumers buy products and services because they feel that the products, services, or companies are ethical. In response to this consumer demand, organizations have increased their focus on ethical marketing. Marketing employees must be aware of the principles of self-interest and personal virtues. As they make decisions they mustShow MoreRelatedMarketing Ethics Into The Marketing Process1471 Words   |  6 PagesEthical Marketing Ethical marketing refers to the application of marketing ethics into the marketing process. Ethical marketing is about making marketing decisions that are morally right. The ethics of the marketing decision can incorporate any part of marketing including sourcing of raw materials, staff employment and product advertising and pricing. Sound marketing ethics are usually those that result in consumer satisfaction, with no negative effect, with the goods and services being recognizedRead MoreIs Marketing Ethical And Ethical?1158 Words   |  5 PagesIs Marketing Ethical? The purpose of this paper is to discuss whether or not Marketing is ethical. The flow of this paper will present a brief discussion on the definition of marketing, a brief discussion on the definition of ethics, and overview of the marketing process, and finally a narrative that discusses my view on whether or not marketing is ethical. WHAT IS MARKETING? According to the Kotler text, marketing is the process by which companies create value for customers and build strong customerRead MoreEthics and Innovations in Marketing and Its Relevance with Consumer Behavior1654 Words   |  7 PagesETHICS AND INNOVATIONS IN MARKETING AND ITS RELEVANCE WITH CONSUMER BEHAVIOR Kishor N. Choudhary N.S.B.College, Nanded ABSTRACT: In order to be consumer-oriented, marketing will have to be truthful and ethical. That is why it is very important in marketing, as in any other field; to apply the principles of Ethics It is also important to apply the processes of innovation, to find new ways of marketing effectively. This Paper explains the concept of Ethics in Marketing and overview a number of issuesRead MoreProduct Quality1288 Words   |  6 Pagesessay on: â€Å"Marketing and ethics are like oil and water – they just don’t mix. There is no place for ethics in the cut-throat world of marketing†. Discuss The success of a product is always determined by how well it’s marketed. In that case marketing has an important role in every product that we produce. But when ethics is associated with marketing, it can’t go on one direction. It is like oil and water which does not mix together. What is marketing? 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I have then been asked to assess these social implications of business ethics. The business organisation I have chosen for this assignment is ‘Boots’. Social implications (P3) Social implication is a term used to describe the actions of a business that willRead MorePerformance Indicators For Evaluation System806 Words   |  4 PagesEVALUATION SYSTEM Company establishes key performance indicators for evaluation system. The actual performance of marketing activities is comparing the set objectives. The key performance indicators are:- †¢ Overall sales of products in all the countries of world. †¢ Brand image †¢ Product innovation and improved existing products. †¢ Consumer feedback †¢ Rate of growth and increasing market share. Company should follow following monitoring system:- *Responsibility control centres :- It is sub unitRead MoreThe Ethics Of An Ethical Code1367 Words   |  6 Pagescould be on a grander scale, such as how a CEO would lead a company. Most successful marketers have a similar ethical code that is the framework for their marketing efforts, but the variations and oversight of certain aspects of the marketing effort leads to a company’s inability to influence customers towards buying their product or service. An ethics code similar to these, enforcing professional integrity and consumer interest, will curb malevolent influence attempts. Although many would disagree,Read MoreMarketing s Development And Success Essay1357 Words   |  6 Pagesas technological development, marketing plays a prominent role in an enterprise’s development and success. According to American Marketing Association (AMA): â€Å"Marketing is the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large† (AMA 2007, cited in Baines et al. 2011, p. 6). In order to achieve better performance of marketing, marketing study is indispensable. As HackleyRead MoreBook Report On Ethical Decision Making830 Words   |  4 Pages Ethics Hamed Alanazi Book Report Ethical decision-making 10th edition â€Æ' Ethics The book I chose is â€Å"Business ethics: Ethical decision-making† 10th edition is written by O. C. Ferrell, John Fraedrich, Ferrell. It was published by Cengage Learning in 2014. This book consists of almost 340 pages and five parts. According to Amazon this book is among top seller. Something extraordinary about this book is that, this book highlight several cases related to the business ethics that help the reader Marketing Ethics Into The Marketing Process - 1471 Words Ethical Marketing Ethical marketing refers to the application of marketing ethics into the marketing process. Ethical marketing is about making marketing decisions that are morally right. The ethics of the marketing decision can incorporate any part of marketing including sourcing of raw materials, staff employment and product advertising and pricing. Sound marketing ethics are usually those that result in consumer satisfaction, with no negative effect, with the goods and services being recognized or with the company producing them. Ethical marketing generally results in a more socially responsible and culturally thoughtful business community. The concern with ethical issues has changed the attitude of the world towards a more socially responsible way of thinking. This has influenced companies to market their products in a more socially responsible way. Ethical marketing is less of a marketing strategy and more of a way of life that enlightens all marketing efforts. It seeks to promote honesty, fairness, and responsibility in all advertising. Some businesses pursue ethical marketing because they feel that is what customers expect from them. Some consumers buy products and services because they feel that the products, services, or companies are ethical. In response to this consumer demand, organizations have increased their focus on ethical marketing. Marketing employees must be aware of the principles of self-interest and personal virtues. As they make decisions they mustShow MoreRelatedMarketing Ethics Into The Marketing Process1471 Words   |  6 PagesEthical Marketing Ethical marketing refers to the application of marketing ethics into the marketing process. Ethical marketing is about making marketing decisions that are morally right. The ethics of the marketing decision can incorporate any part of marketing including sourcing of raw materials, staff employment and product advertising and pricing. Sound marketing ethics are usually those that result in consumer satisfaction, with no negative effect, with the goods and services being recognizedRead MoreIs Marketing Ethical And Ethical?1158 Words   |  5 PagesIs Marketing Ethical? The purpose of this paper is to discuss whether or not Marketing is ethical. The flow of this paper will present a brief discussion on the definition of marketing, a brief discussion on the definition of ethics, and overview of the marketing process, and finally a narrative that discusses my view on whether or not marketing is ethical. WHAT IS MARKETING? According to the Kotler text, marketing is the process by which companies create value for customers and build strong customerRead MoreEthics and Innovations in Marketing and Its Relevance with Consumer Behavior1654 Words   |  7 PagesETHICS AND INNOVATIONS IN MARKETING AND ITS RELEVANCE WITH CONSUMER BEHAVIOR Kishor N. Choudhary N.S.B.College, Nanded ABSTRACT: In order to be consumer-oriented, marketing will have to be truthful and ethical. That is why it is very important in marketing, as in any other field; to apply the principles of Ethics It is also important to apply the processes of innovation, to find new ways of marketing effectively. This Paper explains the concept of Ethics in Marketing and overview a number of issuesRead MoreProduct Quality1288 Words   |  6 Pagesessay on: â€Å"Marketing and ethics are like oil and water – they just don’t mix. There is no place for ethics in the cut-throat world of marketing†. Discuss The success of a product is always determined by how well it’s marketed. In that case marketing has an important role in every product that we produce. But when ethics is associated with marketing, it can’t go on one direction. It is like oil and water which does not mix together. What is marketing? Marketing is a societal process by which individualsRead MoreEthical Issues Of Marketing Field Of Australia1450 Words   |  6 PagesEthical Issues in Marketing Field of Australia Introduction: Ethics is the principle of differentiating between right and wrong. In business and marketing process, a number of ethical issues are involved that may have a positive or negative impact on the company. The term Ethical marketing is not only a marketing strategy but also a philosophy. It encourages a company representative to be honest, fair, and responsible in all advertising. It also includes communication skill, leadership skill, teamworkRead MoreSocial Implications Of Business Ethics1601 Words   |  7 PagesAkram Hussain Unit 37 – Assignment 3 Social implications of business ethics Introduction In this assignment I have been asked to describe the social implications of business ethics facing a selected business in its different areas of activity. I have then been asked to assess these social implications of business ethics. The business organisation I have chosen for this assignment is ‘Boots’. Social implications (P3) Social implication is a term used to describe the actions of a business that willRead MorePerformance Indicators For Evaluation System806 Words   |  4 PagesEVALUATION SYSTEM Company establishes key performance indicators for evaluation system. The actual performance of marketing activities is comparing the set objectives. The key performance indicators are:- †¢ Overall sales of products in all the countries of world. †¢ Brand image †¢ Product innovation and improved existing products. †¢ Consumer feedback †¢ Rate of growth and increasing market share. Company should follow following monitoring system:- *Responsibility control centres :- It is sub unitRead MoreThe Ethics Of An Ethical Code1367 Words   |  6 Pagescould be on a grander scale, such as how a CEO would lead a company. Most successful marketers have a similar ethical code that is the framework for their marketing efforts, but the variations and oversight of certain aspects of the marketing effort leads to a company’s inability to influence customers towards buying their product or service. An ethics code similar to these, enforcing professional integrity and consumer interest, will curb malevolent influence attempts. Although many would disagree,Read MoreMarketing s Development And Success Essay1357 Words   |  6 Pagesas technological development, marketing plays a prominent role in an enterprise’s development and success. According to American Marketing Association (AMA): â€Å"Marketing is the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large† (AMA 2007, cited in Baines et al. 2011, p. 6). In order to achieve better performance of marketing, marketing study is indispensable. As HackleyRead MoreBook Report On Ethical Decision Making830 Words   |  4 Pages Ethics Hamed Alanazi Book Report Ethical decision-making 10th edition â€Æ' Ethics The book I chose is â€Å"Business ethics: Ethical decision-making† 10th edition is written by O. C. Ferrell, John Fraedrich, Ferrell. It was published by Cengage Learning in 2014. This book consists of almost 340 pages and five parts. According to Amazon this book is among top seller. Something extraordinary about this book is that, this book highlight several cases related to the business ethics that help the reader

The legal response to domestic violence Free Essays

Abstract This dissertation examines the legal response to domestic violence, which, over the years has been subject to a variety of different terminology ranging from ‘wife battering’ (Pizzey, 1974; Walker, 1979) to ‘intimate partner violence’. Paying particular attention to the police, up until the early 1980’s some researchers described their general response and attitude towards incidents of domestic violence as being ‘dismissive and derogatory’ (Bourlet, 1990; Dobash and Dobash, 1980; Hanmer and Saunders, 1984; Edwards, 1989) and that, according to David Cheal (1991), the police perceive the family to be a private sphere to which ‘access to it by the state should be limited’. However, from the mid-1980’s it was recognised that there was a need for change not just in the police response, but the legal response as a whole and the Home Office began publishing papers on how domestic violence incidents should be tackled by the criminal justice system. We will write a custom essay sample on The legal response to domestic violence or any similar topic only for you Order Now Not only did this raise awareness of the issue but it also enabled different organisations, both statutory and voluntary, to work together which was part of the Home Office’s inter-agency initiative in 1995. More recently, there have been a number of statutes put in place that can further aid the police in their response to domestic violence and more importantly they enable them to treat incidents within the family between spouses as they would incidents that happen on the street between strangers. Chapter 1: Introduction Domestic violence has long been a problem amongst society, but until the 1980’s the agencies responsible for protecting victims of crime paid little or no attention to the issue itself, in particular the police showed reluctance to investigate and prosecute as they believed that ‘the family is a private sphere so access to it by the state should be limited’ (Cheal, 1991). However, it would be inaccurate to think that domestic violence is no longer a problem in society today and according to the 2009/10 British Crime Survey (BCS) seven percent of females compared to four percent of males aged between 16 and 59 are currently victims of domestic violence (Flatley et al., 2010). Statistics also show that between July and September 2009 there was a five percent increase in sexual offences which is in comparison to the same period of the previous year (Home Office, 2009). According to Walby and Allen, (2004) the British Crime Survey (BCS) estimated that a staggering 12.9 million domestic violence incidents against women and 2.5 million incidents against men happened in England and Wales in 2003 with 45 percent of women and 26 percent of men experiencing at least one incident of interpersonal violence in their lifetime. From this, it is therefore questionable whether or not domestic violence is regarded as being either legally or socially acceptable, as many researchers have found, from their research, that the criminal justice system appear to be ‘covertly tolerant’ (Berk et al., 1980) of the issue when really the offences committed in violent relationships are no different to that of an offence against the person. As a result of this alleged blase approach by the police to incidents of domestic violence, Smith (1989) found that victims of domestic violence only made contact with the emergency services as a last resort and on average suff er 35 attacks before making the vital call to the police (Jaffe, 1982) which in effect goes against what the police as an agency stand for, that is, they are an emergency service and should act promptly and provide an effective service and not leave victims of domestic violence with very little faith in their work. However, according to Stanko (2000) even though only a small minority of victims report domestic violence to the police, with figures showing around 40 percent actually being reported to the police (Dodd et al, 2004; Walby and Allen, 2004; Home Office, 2002), they still on average receive one phone call every minute regarding domestic violence incidents in the UK amounting to an average influx of 1,300 calls a day or 570,000 calls per year. The next chapter to follow is the literature review in which the definition and ranges of terminology will be explored from past to present as to demonstrate the changes that have taken place throughout the years along with the apparent lack of coherence that have caused many researchers great difficulty when researching this particular area. The literature review will then continue to look at the police response to domestic violence from a historical perspective, namely pre-1980, and then move onto a more recent perspective from the 1980’s onwards as a comparative. Whilst the police response is of great importance to this dissertation, it is not solely directed at one single agency and the literature review will go on critically analyse the legislation, both civil and criminal, currently in place and legislation that was previously used to give an over view of the legal response as a whole and how it has changed alongside the changes in the police response. The final part of the literature review will look at rates of reporting and non-reporting of incidents to the police and examine whether or not there has been an increase of reported incidents since new legislation has been introduced and changes in police practices have happened or if there is still a reluctance by the victims to report it that has been evident in previous times. Chapter 2: Definition of ‘domestic abuse’ and a history of the police response. 2.1 Definition Over the years there have been a number of terms, ranging from ‘wife battering’ (Pizzey, 1974; Walker, 1979) to ‘intimate partner violence’, which have been used to describe what is most commonly known as ‘domestic violence’. One common issue that many researchers in the field have found is that of the definition and its lack of coherence between the writers of the issue, the Government and also the members of the public, who may merely use phrases such as ‘wife battering’ without fully appreciating the nature of the issue and the harm it can cause. In order to tackle this lack of coherence the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) set out an official definition of domestic violence which defines it as being â€Å"any incident of threatening behaviour, violence or abuse (psychological, physical, sexual, financial or emotional) between adults who are or have been intimate partners or family members, regardless of gender or sexuality†. (Home Office, 2010) This definition given by the Home Office has been expanded since the previous definition (Circular 19/2000), which vaguely described domestic violence as ‘any violence between current or former partners in an intimate relationship wherever and whenever it occurs’, and is now seen to further highlight the violence that can happen between family members who are 18 years of age and over and also includes various types of abuse that can also take place (e.g. financial, emotional etc.) as opposed to just being concerned with the physical violence. Previous to this updated definition, ‘domestic violence’ was recognised as the most commonly used phrase and the term of choice amongst researchers in the area (Smith, 1989) despite having a ‘far from uncritical reception’ (Mullender, 1996). Kashani and Allen (1998) commented upon this and stated that due to the sheer complexity of the issue, in terms of its elements (i.e. financial, emotional, psychological), that it would be unfair and unjust to solely regard it as an issue of ‘violence’ and so the term ‘abuse’ came about and has since made awareness of the fact that the issue isn’t just concerned with physical violence but also other aspects that aren’t considered to be violent, per se. 2.2 Police Response to Domestic Violence Pre-1980 Domestic violence is by no means a ‘new’ crime. Even dating back to the twelfth century domestic violence was prevalent, as church law stated in 1140 that ‘women were subject to their men’ and ‘needed to be corrected through castigation or punishment’. (Dutton, 1995 in Melton, 1999). The males have long been seen as having the power in the family and according to the Napoleonic Civil Code in 1804, ‘violence was only grounds for a divorce for a woman if the courts decided that it amounted to attempted murder’ (Dutton, 1995). English common law even allowed men to beat their wives with a stick no bigger than the width of their thumb, giving the term ‘rule of thumb’, and was said to be ‘uncivilised’ if the stick exceeded the rule (Brown, 1984). Given this, domestic violence wasn’t perceived to be a problem for the police as the laws in place actually condoned violence by men against women and only place d limitations as to how far the men could beat their wives, to which any further was only classed as being inappropriate, not criminal or punishable. More recently in the twentieth century, the police response to allegations of domestic violence has faced much criticism for their so-called ‘dismissive and derogatory way’ in which they have dealt with cases reported to them (Bourlet, 1990; Dobash and Dobash, 1980; Hanmer and Saunders, 1984; Edwards, 1989 also recognised by Women’s Aid). Buzawa (1990) describes the traditional response to domestic violence by the police as having an ‘overriding goal to extricate them from the dangerous and unpleasant duty with as little cost as possible and to re-involve themselves with real police work’. Berk (1980) went as far as saying that the criminal justice system show, through their policies and attitudes, a ‘covert toleration’ of domestic violence and further condone ‘rights of men to exercise their authority’ (Berk et al., 1980). Research by Smith (1989) suggested four main reasons as to why the police may have displayed this ‘dismissive and derogatory’ behaviour in their response and presented an unsympathetic attitude towards the victim. The first reason was that there were concerns surrounding the officers’ safety and research suggested that around 33% of all assaults against police officers happened whilst attending domestic incidents. Secondly, Smith suggested that the police didn’t regard it as ‘real police work’ and was often perceived to be ‘trivial’ with one Metropolitan police officer being quoted as stating that domestic disputes might be categorised alongside ‘stranded people, lost property and stray animals’ (Times, 4 October 1983). Thirdly, the police didn’t regard domestic violence incidents as ‘criminal’ as it happens within the family unit and they see this as more of private matter to which ‘access to it by the state should be limited’ (Cheal, 1991). Margaret Borkowski also stated in her book Marital Violence that the police thought that an arrest by them and a possible prosecution ‘may sometimes be unhelpful and may exacerbate strained marital and family relationships’. Finally, there was the view held that victims would be reluctant to cooperate and would eventually withdraw their allegations and drop the charges in due course. Stanko (1985) challenged these views held by the police and argued that the way in which the police responded to the female victims amounted to ‘secondary victimisation’. This idea of secondary victimisation was particularly evident in the findings of Katz and Mazur (1979) and Chambers and Miller (1983) which showed that women who did report domestic violence attacks to the police in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s had their ‘character and morality questioned in such a way as to imply some responsibility for their victimisation’. Likewise, Chambers and Miller (1987), from their research, presented a variety of ways in which the prosecution was found to use various ‘tactics’ to imply that ‘women complainants were somehow to blame for their victimisation and to throw doubt on the credibility of the case’. With reference to Adler (1987) ‘All but the most transparently flawless victim was liable to be bullied by interrogators and prosecutors, exposing her to a form of secondary victimisation’. This resulted in what Smith (1989) called the ‘don’t variety’ in which women were told ‘not to get upset, not to get things out of proportion, not to go out alone, not to go out at night, to avoid â€Å"dangerous areas†, not to put themselves at risk’ (Benn and Worpole, 1985 quoted in Walklate, 2004). This however was heavily criticised as it placed restrictions on the women’s sense of freedom and that anyone who failed to take notice of this advice should be at fault if she got attacked, as it was regarded as though she was being negligent and had brought it on herself. 2.3 Police Response to Domestic Violence Post-1980 From the mid-1980’s onwards the Home Office accepted that there was a need for change in police practices regarding domestic violence and rape. In 1983, the Home Office published a circular (Home Office, 1983) giving advice on how investigations should be conducted, the timing and conduct of medical examinations, the number of officers involved and, where possible, the importance of having female officers involved, as Chambers and Miller (1983) had found from research, conducted by the Scottish Office, that there was a widespread ‘lack of sympathy and tact by CID officers and un-uniformed policewomen’. With regards to police responses, a further circular published by the Home Office in 1986 (Home Office, 1986) gave more suggestions of effective working practices when dealing with domestic violence incidents and made it clear that it was of paramount importance to ensure and maintain the safety of the victim and also any children within the home. However, it was argued by Bourlet (1990) that in order for these suggestions to be effective then they must be adopted by the police within their policies and ‘translate directly into practice’ (Grace, 1995) in the fight against domestic violence. This was supportive of Edwards (1989) earlier argument that ‘police did not take seriously their response to crimes between intimates’. Changes in response finally came about with a circular to chief constables in 1990 (Home Office, 1990) with the aim of it being to urge the police to develop explicit force policies and develop specialist domestic violence units in all 43 forces. A number of central features were highlighted in the 1990 circular, that is, it was to impose an overriding duty to protect victims and any children by the police, to treat domestic violence as seriously as other forms of violence, as it was argued by Pahl (1985) that ‘police action differs between similar acts of violence, depending on whether they occur in the home or on the street’. The circular also put across the value of powers of arrest and made it clear that they should be exercised in these circumstances, it also reiterated the dangers of conciliation between the victim and the offender, the importance of effective recording and monitoring systems and also put forward the consideration to the police of pursuing a case, even if the victim had withdrew her support, as Hoyle (1998) found, along with many others previously, that victims of domestic violence were either very reluctant to make statements or completely withdrew them quite soon after making them, sometimes even before the offender was charged, so by the introduction, by the Home Office circular, of pursuing a case despite the victim withdrawing their statement enabled them to break the so-called cycle of the police ‘leaving the ball in the victims court’ (Hoyle, 1998). However, Dobash and Dobash (1992) argued that this change in police response articulated by the 1990 Home Office circular was one that ‘showed no sign of lasting improvement’ and that the police continued to adopt an approach that reflected ‘minimum involvement and disengagement’ based on their findings from their report in 1990 on an Assistant Chief Constable and police policies in South Wales. A later publication by the Home Office in 1995 (Home Office, 1995) encouraged the idea of inter-agency, or multi-agency approaches to domestic violence and has since then grown in popularity with the underlying idea that by different agencies, both statutory and voluntary, working together they can produce an effective approach by sharing their resources and the information that they have to provide a ‘seamless and consistent service’ (Hague, 1998). In 1999, the Home Office published the paper ‘Living without fear: An integrated approach to tackling violence against women’ (Home Office, 1999) which replaced their previous circular published in 1995. Within the paper, the Government gave recognition to the fact that violence against women was a ‘serious problem, with serious consequences’ (Harman, 2008), but also highlighted that there was some help for victims in certain areas, despite not being what Harriet Harman described as ‘comprehensive, consistent or easy to access’ in her 2008 paper ‘Tackling violence against women: A cross-government narrative’. However, for the majority, this help simply didn’t exist at all. Harriet Harmen, former Minister for Women and Equality, in the 2008 Government paper summarised and re-stated the main problems taken from the 1999 Home Office publication that the Government needed to tackle. That is, they needed to ensure that ‘violence against women was taken seriously by the Criminal Justice System, making it less of an ordeal for victims to testify in court and tackling the problems associated with securing convictions’. The issue of ‘addressing personal safety issues, including issues over housing; and protecting the children of victims of domestic abuse’ was also raised and finally they needed to ensure that ‘the Government acted in a ‘joined-up’ way to tackle violence against women’ and create a ‘zero-tolerance’ approach against it. Of late, the Home Office (2000a) 19/2000 Circular ‘Domestic violence’ which introduced the presumption of arrest where it was possible to do so, gave great emphasis on showing how local police forces deal with incidents of domestic violence based on their policies on how such incidents should be policed. A further Home Office paper ‘Domestic Violence: Breaking the chain, multi-agency guidance for addressing domestic violence’ (2000b) aimed to raise the awareness amongst all of the different agencies concerned with tackling domestic violence. Particularly, with regards to the Police, it was stated that ‘tackling domestic violence should be an integral part of their work’. It was also noted in the same publication that the Government, according to the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, expects that the crime and disorder audits carried out identify the ‘local level of domestic violence and for the Police to work with its partners to develop a strategy to address it as part of their overall crime reduction strategy’. Chapter 3: Feminism For Feminists, the law has long been regarded as being made for men and being made in the interests of men and throughout history there has been what Sachs and Wilson (1978) describe as a ‘male monopoly of law’ whereby the woman is perceived as being ‘inessential’ (De Beauvoir, 1949). Radical feminists perceive the family and marriage as the key institutions of oppression in society as the males appear to dominate the women through domestic abuse or by merely threatening the act, because of this, Millet (1970) and Firestone (1970) go on to argue that all societies have been founded on patriarchy and they see the male as being the enemy who exploit and oppress women in society. In their opinion, the patriarchal society is the chief element in explaining the reluctance of the police to investigate incidents of domestic abuse effectively in previous years and that for this to be abolished the patriarchal society needs to be overturned so that woman can live independently from the males. Chapter 4: Legislation With regards to legislation, there appeared to be a ‘lack of protection’ in the early 1970’s in the form of remedies available, particularly under civil law, as they were either ‘not easy’ to obtain or ‘inadequately used’ (Hague and Malos, 2005). It was also only possible to obtain a civil order if you were married to the perpetrator, which obviously left victims who weren’t married to their perpetrator with even fewer options of protection compared with those who were married. From this, Women’s Aid recognised that there was in fact a need for change within the civil law so that victims could apply for protection along with obtaining an occupation order of the matrimonial home based solely on their case of domestic violence without it being linked to any other criminal proceedings that may arise from the assaults as there was a resounding number of females who sought shelter at women’s refuges who had been driven out of their home and who didn’t wish to pursue help via the criminal law. 4.1 Criminal Law As mentioned before, there is no specific offence of ‘domestic violence’ under criminal law and naturally this has created difficulty for the police when dealing with such incidents as there are many different forms of offences that fall within and contribute towards the issue and so alongside the many Government papers published by the Home Office suggesting ways in which police practices regarding incidents of domestic violence should be handled, there have also been a number of different pieces of legislation introduced in the late 1990’s designed to aid the police even further. Similarly, with the paper ‘Inter-agency Co-ordination to Tackle Domestic Violence’ published by the Home Office in 1995 which suggested that both statutory and voluntary organisations should work together, the Crime and Disorder Act (CDA) 1997 also placed a duty on the authorities, thus supportive of the 1995 Home Office paper, to work alongside the police and other agencies at a local level through the provision of a Community Safety Strategy initiative. The idea being that each local authority will have in place an action plan which will provide ‘effective multi agency working to tackle domestic violence and provide high quality services’ (Lewis, 2005) for the people living in the community who may or may not already be victims of domestic violence. Likewise, the Protection from Harassment Act (PHA) 1997 enabled victims of domestic violence to have extra protection in place against stalking by ex partners and specifically section 2(1) of the PHA 1997 stipulates that ‘a person who pursues a course of conduct in breach of section 1 is guilty of an offence’ as Wallis (1996) found that, according to the Association of Chief Police Officers, 40% of harassment cases did in fact involve stalking between ex-partners or those who had been in a close relationship, something which Wallis described as a form of ‘post-separation domestic violence’. The Protection from Harassment Act 1997 also saw measures introduced which provided a link between civil and criminal law. As mentioned before s.2(1) provided an offence of criminal harassment, and, along with s.4 which provided a more serious offence of fear of violence, and so as a whole, the Act provided women with addition help in the form of a restraining order if their perpetrator was convicted of either offence. Section 4 proved to be particularly useful, despite there already being police powers under criminal law in existence, the powers in place only related to fear of actual physical violence whereas s.4 provided powers for fear of stalking which aimed to be more effective before any psychological or bodily harm had been caused, thus trying to nip the problem in the bus before escalating further. The Domestic Violence Crime and Victims Act which was introduced in 2004 aimed to protect victims of domestic violence by firstly making common assault an arrestable offence (which has since been repealed by s.110 of the Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005). Secondly, the 2004 Act made a breach of a non-molestation order not only arrestable but also a criminal offence and finally the Act was also concerned with widening the scope of the civil law in cases of domestic violence as it was particularly evident that the remedies available were designed and implemented for married opposite sex couples, which, as a result, left cohabiting same sex couples experiencing exactly the same treatment but more importantly with a feeling that there was nothing that could be done about it. 4.2 Civil Law Since 1976, injunctions against violent partners could be obtained under three different statues all with the underlying principle that it was designed to protect victims of domestic violence. The Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act 1976 gave female victims of domestic violence the right to stay in the matrimonial home and also granted them exclusion orders against their abusive partners which would effectively suspend their right to live in the matrimonial home and, at that time, was considered to be a successful tool in ‘protecting victims more comprehensively than had ever been possible under criminal law’ (Booth, 2003). The Domestic Proceedings and Magistrates Court Act 1978 sought to aid the use of injunctions as a preventative for added violence to the victim by the perpetrator whilst the Matrimonial Homes Act 1983 was focused on simplifying the powers to cease the rights of the violence partner to live in the matrimonial home. The piece of legislation that was to be selected to aid the protection of the victim was dependant on a number of factors, for example, whether the parties were married or not and also if she lived with her abuser. However, research by Barron (1990) showed that in the majority of cases injunction that were made were ineffective and would soon be breached, in Barron’s words, ‘not worth the paper they are written on’. The introduction of the Family Law Act (FLA) 1996, particularly part IV, sought to eradicate the mess and confusion caused by the three earlier pieces of legislation with regards to imposing injunctions. The legislation itself, under part IV, introduced a concise set of remedies whilst widening the scope of eligibility to a wider range of family members, which since then have been extended further under the Domestic Violence Crime and Victims Act 2004. Under the Family Law Act 1996 there are two main types of injunctions that can be applied for under part IV. Firstly, s.42 of the FLA 1996 provides that a victim of domestic violence can apply for a non-molestation order against their perpetrator by whom they have been harassed or threatened by and further states that an applicant can only seek an order against a person with whom they are associated with, as set out by s.62 FLA 1996. This proved to be a useful tool, particularly for those who were either married, in a civil partnership, were cohabitants or even former cohabitants and tried to encompass a number of different types of relations and circumstances in the pursuit of combating not only physical violence but also intimidation and harassment from the perpetrator. A breach of such order is a criminal offence under the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2000, and, if found guilty, the perpetrator can expect to receive a five year prison sentence on indictment, the aim of it being to reinforce and strengthen existing civil injunctions. Another form of injunction made available under s.33 and s.35-38 of the FLA 1996 for victims of domestic violence is that of an occupation order. An occupation order maintains and controls which party is to occupy either their present, former or intended home. To apply for this order the applicant must satisfy the requirement of entitlement under s.33(1) FLA 1996, that is, an ‘entitled’ person is one that has a legal right to occupy the property, for example, it is a matrimonial home, they have a tenancy agreement or some form of beneficial interest etc. Thus, it would be much harder for a cohabiting couple to show an interest in the property in comparison to those who are married or in a civil partnership as it is of the assumption that virtually all spouses will have at least some interest. Occupation orders can be considered to be extremely useful for victims of domestic violence, particularly if there are children involved, as the FLA 1996 introduced a test based on the ‘balance of harm’ and, in some instances, the test obliges the court to use the test to make an order. The purpose of it being to protect the applicant and more importantly any relevant child that is ‘likely to suffer significant harm attributable to conduct of the respondent’ (Family Law Act 1996, s.33(7)) Chapter 5: Rates of reporting and non-reporting The term ‘attrition’ is used to describe a process by which the total volume of crime that has been committed gradually gets eliminated leaving only a small proportion attaining conviction. This has come to be very evident in cases of domestic violence, with many police officers deciding to ‘no-crime’ the incident. As a result, it illuminates the issue of domestic violence as not being taken seriously by the criminal justice agencies and further highlights the problems many women face when exploring resolution via the criminal justice system and is supportive of what Hester and Westmarland (2006) found, that as little as five percent of domestic violence result in conviction. In 1992, a study by Grace et al. found that there were three main attrition points that hindered the criminal justice process of convicting perpetrators of domestic violence. As mentioned previously, some officers discretionally chose to ‘no-crime’ the incidents and as a result, disregarding it instantly. A second point was that the police and the crown prosecution service made decisions about whether or not they would proceed to prosecute, again leaving the victim in a predicament that was totally our of their hands. Finally, a third attrition point lay with the jury on whether they would choose to convict the defendant and according to Grace et al. cases which resulted in a conviction ‘were most likely to involve a young, single woman who had never seen their attacker before and were physically injured during their attack’, they also pointed out that ‘a â€Å"classic† rape, was still the most likely to result in a conviction’ compared t o a domestic violence incident between intimates. Throughout the years this has led to a culmination of reasons why many women may not have reported incidents of domestic violence and amongst these reasons there is one common denominator; the police response. Many women fear that because the abuse they face can take on many different forms, aside from just physical violence, that they would be wasting police time in a matter that the police may not classify as being ‘criminal’ similar to that of what Buzawa (1990) found that man police officers were keen to get involved with ‘real police work’ and, ironically, along with this they also fear that because it is a family matter then the police won’t really want to intrude and essentially get involved; something which many researchers such as Cheal (1991) have found before regarding police attitudes towards domestic disputes. A second concern for many women is that if they do call the police, they fear that they may not be taken seriously by the attending officers and become subjected to their so-called ‘dismissive and derogatory’ ways in which some officers are alleged to respond to such incidents. Horley (1988) found that victims perceived the police to be unsympathetic of their circumstances and according to the Women’s National Commission (2003) victims were sometimes asked ‘if you put up with it for so long, why are you now reporting it?’ This in turn can also have a damaging effect on the victims as if they do call the police and not a great deal gets done many women fear that as a repercussion for their actions they may provoke further violence by their partners and so it appears to be instilled in them that it’s easier to adopt a ‘put up and shut up’ attitude. Another problem which affects the report rate of domestic violence incidents is that many victims are either too reluctant to make statements or completely withdraw them quite soon after making them as Hoyle found in 1988, and, as a result, this has created what some researchers have described as ‘inadequate recording practices’ (Smith, 1989) and thus disguising the true figure of the crime itself despite the fact that sexual offences was the only crime to have a five percent increase compared to other types of crime, such as criminal damage, fraud and forgery, in 2009 (Home Office, 2009). Chapter 6: Methodology This dissertation is concerned with the legal response to incidents of domestic violence, starting from a historical perspective and moving through to a present day view of how effective the legal response is in dealing with such incidents. It has become to be an area of particular interest to myself as it incorporates an extremely important issue of domestic violence from the discipline of Criminology along with the application of relevant legislation from the discipline of Law. Given the sensitive nature of the topic area being researched, it was felt that the use of secondary sources to conduct this dissertation would be the most appropriate type of source to use and would automatically eradicate any ethical issues that would inevitably arise if primary research were to be conducted. Conducting secondary research also has many practical advantages; the main being that it has already been collected and, as aforesaid, diverts past any ethical implications that may arise from primary research, especially in a topic area as sensitive as domestic violence. The use of secondary sources also enables comparisons to be made between historical findings along with present day findings therefore providing a comparative and an overall picture of any trends that there may be. Finally the collection of data being used has been uninfluenced by the research process in comparison to findings that you would get from primary research, which tends to be more biased towards the researchers’ views. More specifically, secondary data analysis as a research method enables the combining of not only quantitative data but also qualitative data and overall will provide a detailed look at the changing response to incidents of domestic violence from a wealth of literature already surrounding the area, both historical and recent, along with government papers detailing rates of reporting to the police reflecting victims perspectives of them as an agency. This multi-dimensional approach was first coined as ‘triangulation’ in social research conducted by Campbell and Fiske (1959) but became more predominant following the work by Webb et al. (1966) which was based on unobtrusive measures and social research. Triangulation can be particularly useful as a process of ‘cross-checking findings from both quantitative and qualitative research’ (Deacon et al. 1998) and whilst Webb et al. noted that individual research methods aren’t ‘scientifically useless’ they stated that ‘the most fertile search for validity comes from a combined set of measures’ and Denzin (1970) further stated that triangulation ‘is the key to overcoming intrinsic bias that stems from single method, single observer and single theory studies’. Maguire (2000) also argues for ‘utilising as many diverse sources of evidence as feasible to answer a research question’ and that combining two methods overall increases the validity of the research. That is, by bringing together two approaches that equally have their own strengths and weaknesses can overall counter each other with their strengths and it is argued that if different methods draw to the same conclusions then this in itself makes for a stronger argument in that they are more plausible and credible (Noaks and Wincup, 2004). Due to the nature and area being explored in this dissertation it was felt that adopting the use of secondary sources would be more compliant with the ethical considerations that underpin conducting research. According to Diener and Crandall (1978), ethical considerations can be divided into four main areas. That is; whether there is harm to participants, whether this is a lack of informed consent, if there is an invasion of the participants’ privacy and finally, whether deception needs to be used in order to conduct the research. If primary research were to be conducted the two main areas for concern, according to the categories as set out by Diener and Crandall, would be the potential harm that could be caused to the participant in re-living psychologically painful and damaging events they may have been through for the purpose of this dissertation along with the inevitable invasion of their own personally privacy. The initial literature search was conducted by using key words or phrases related to the specified topic area of ‘domestic violence and the legal response’ which in turn provided a wealth of literature. However, this method of finding literature makes for the obtaining of unreliable sources more vulnerable and so for that reason only academic texts and journals were selected which covered area of domestic violence and the legal response and so provides a high quality of authority which is much more reliable. Naturally, only the most up to date texts were preferable but inevitably, with a topic area that requires comparatives to be made between historic views and contemporary views, many of the sources date back to the early eighties but is done so as to enable a critical analysis of area being researched. As a result of the literature search, the literature that was subsequently gained was done so by a snowball effect; identical to that of snowball sampling where one source leads to another and so forth. This, combined with the use of both governmental and non-governmental papers, again standing with high authority, enabled for a greater critical analysis between the issue of domestic violence and the legal response. Chapter 7: Discussion The overriding purpose of this dissertation was to critically examine the legal response to incidents of domestic violence; that is, examine the full spectrum of responses ranging from the police, the legislation in place designed to aid the police and also initiatives put forward by the Government. As stated previously in chapter two, domestic violence has long been a problem amongst society and throughout history it appears to have fought against the odds to be recognised as being truly criminal, as it is clear that the physical elements alone mirror those that can be found in Offences Against the Person Act (OAPA) 1861 yet shockingly the issue appears to have been covertly tolerated by the agencies (Berk et al., 1980). In the early 1990’s there was a dramatic shift towards the fight against domestic violence and as many as fifty percent of police forces had opened up specialist domestic violence units (Grace, 1995) presenting recognition for the issue and opposing Edwards (1989) earlier argument that the ‘police did not take seriously their response to crimes between intimates’. Despite this apparent dramatic shift towards the fight against domestic violence, the initiatives introduced and the policies and procedures in place, up until the mid-1990’s these policies and procedures needed to ‘translate directly into practice’ (Grace, 1995) in order for what Bourlet (1990) would consider to be effective policing. Yet quite shockingly, at this time when policy and procedures were in place, and even more recently where the issue of domestic violence is even more so abundant in society in Harriet Harman’s (2008) â€Å"Tackling violence against women: A cross-government narrative† it was highlighted that there was still only some help for victims in certain areas, of which the help was not regarded as being ‘comprehensive, consistent or easy to access’; quite alarming for something described as being a ‘serious problem, with serious consequences’. In terms of reducing domestic violence from a policing angle, it has been found that a clear definition of domestic violence is needed between the police and also the other agencies as to eradicate its lack of coherence that has been evident in previous times. Along with this, consistency in their response needs to be clearly visible, despite some Feminists arguing that approaches such as restorative justice make male violence against women somewhat lawful. On the other hand, utilising powers of arrest and pursuing a case despite the victim withdrawing their statement, therefore enabling them to break the so-called cycle of the police ‘leaving the ball in the victims court’, whilst this approach apparently ‘legitimises’ male violence (Stubbs, 1997 in Cook and Bessant, 1997), in terms of effectiveness from a reducing domestic violence point of view; pro-arrest strategies can be seen as favourable. Training of domestic violence awareness, policy and practise also needs to be exercised along with an adoption of a more sympathetic style in order to successfully put an end to ‘inadequate recording practices’ (Smith, 1989) and remove the victims instilled feeling that it’s easier to ‘put up and shut up’. As an agency dealing with such incidents as sensitive as these, it is paramount that their response is one which is equally sensitive in reciprocation, and, whereas before victims have been left feeling helpless, their response should be one that leaves the victim feeling comforted, informed and in the knowledge that there are services designed specifically to aid them with such incidents as opposed to feeling isolated and subjected to ‘secondary victimisation’ (Stanko, 1985) where their ‘character and morality is questioned in such a way as to imply some responsibility for their victimisation’ (Katz and Mazur 1979, Chamber s and Miller, 1983). Chapter 8: Conclusion Drawing back to the beginning of this independent study, the overriding aim was to examine the legal response to incidents of domestic abuse by looking at the police response, the legislation available and finally the Governments standing on the issue itself. This was done by using an approach known as ‘triangulation’ originally developed by Campbell and Fiske (1959) whereby a mixture of findings from both qualitative and quantitative measures, founded by high standing scholars in the field, were cross-examined to overall increase the validity of the research and provide a more well-rounded stronger argument. From the research it is clear that domestic abuse, for many years, has somewhat been a ‘taboo’ subject and it can be appreciated from the wealth of literature surrounding the area that many merely ‘covertly tolerated’ the issue due to a variety of reasons; namely down to the relationship between the culture, law and society working against each other and having their own preconceptions. However, it’s not without notice that the days of Pizzey’s (1974) ‘wife battering’ are long gone and much in the way of change has happened. One aspect that has come to be particularly clear from the research is that in modern society today there are in fact Government initiatives in place alongside reams of legislation that can be utilised and used in conjunction with one another to aid the police in their own response and, overall, provide an effective legal response as a whole. However, this doesn’t detract from the feeling that still, despite the recognition and improvements made; no one really knows how to deal with it, despite not being as ‘taboo’ as it were previously. What is needed is a multi-dimensional approach, that is, for each of the agencies, both voluntary and involuntary to work alongside each other and utilise the resources between them lawfully in order to pin-point particular areas for concern, much like that of triangulation used in the methodology of this independent study. For Webb et al. (1966) stated that ‘the most fertile search for validity comes from a combined set of measures’, and, if the same principles are applied to the way in which the agencies work, by combining themselves and working as one, they provide themselves with a more successful chance of reducing domestic violence. References Adler, Z. (1987) Rape on trial, London:Routeledge. Barron, J. (1990) Not Worth the Paper†¦The Effectiveness of Legal Protection for Women and Children Experiencing Domestic Violence. Bristol: Women’s Aid Federation England. Benn, C. and Warpole, K. (1986) Death in the City, London: Canary. Berk, R. (1980). Bringing the cops back in: A study of efforts to make the criminal justice system more responsive to incidents of family violence. Social Science Research, 9, 195-215. Berk, R., Fenstermaker, S., Newton, P. (1984). Cops on call: Summoning the police to the scene of spousal violence. Law and Society Review, 18(3), 479-498. Booth, C.. (2003). Beating the Batterers. Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/dec/09/law.ukcrime1. Last accessed 13th Jan 2011. Borkowski, M. (1983) Marital Violence: The Community Response. London: Tavistock Publications. Bourlet, A. (1990) Police intervention in martial violence. London: Open University Press. Brown, S. (1984) Police response to wife beating: Neglect of a crime of violence. Journal of Criminal Justice, 12, 277-288. Buzawa, E., and Buzawa, C. (1990). Domestic violence: The criminal justice response. London: Sage Publications. Campbell, D. and Fiske, D. (1959) ‘Convergent and discriminant validation by the multitrait-multimethod matrix’, Psychological Bulletin, 56: 81-105. Chambers, G. and Miller, A. (1983) Investigating Sexual Assault, Scottish Office Research Study, Edinburgh: HMSO. Chambers, G. and Miller, A. (1987) ‘Proving sexual assault: Prosecuting the offender or persecuting the victim?’, in Carlen, P. and Worrall, A. (eds) Gender, Crime and Justice, Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Cheal, D. (1991) Family and the State of Theory, Harvester. De Beauvoir, S. (1949) Le Deuxieme Sexe (The Second Sex). Vintage Books. New York. Deacon, D., Bryman, A. and Fenton, N. (1998) ‘Collision or CollusionA Discussion of the unplanned Triangulation of Quantitive and Qualitative Research Methods’, International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 1: 47-63. Denzin, N.K. (1970) The Research Act in Sociology. Chicago: Aldine. Diener, E. and Crandall, R. (1978) Ethics in Social and Behavioural Research. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dobash, R.E. and Dobash, R.P. (1980) Violence against wives. London: Open Books. Dobash, R.E. and Dobash, R.P. (1992) Women, Violence and Social Change. London: Routledge. Dodd, T., Nicholas, S., Povey, D and Walker, A. (2004) Crime in England and Wales 2003/2004. Home Office Statistical Bulletin. London: Home Office. [online] Available at: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs04/hosb1004.pdf [Accessed on 9th February 2011] Dutton, D (1995) The domestic assault of women: Psychological and criminal justice perspectives. Vancouver: UBC Press. Edwards, S. (1989) Policing domestic violence. London: Sage. Flatley, J., Kershaw, C., Smith, K., Chaplin, R. and Moon, D. (2010) Crime in England and Wales 2009/10. Home Office Statistical Bulletin. London: Home Office. [online] Available at: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs10/hosb1210.pdf. [Accessed on 20th October 2010] Grace, S. (1995) Policing Domestic Violence in the 1990’s. Home Office Research Study No 139. London: HMSO. Grace, S., Lloyd, C. and Smith, L. (1992) Rape: From recording to conviction, London: Home Office. Hague, G. and Malos, E. Inter-agency approaches to Domestic Violence and the Role of Social Services. Br. J. Social Wk. (1998) 28, 369-386. Hague, G. and Malos, E.. (2005). Legal remedies and the court system. In: Hague, G. and Malos, E. Domestic Violence: Action for change.. England: New Clarion Press. p.86. Hanmer, J. and Saunders, S. (1984) Well founded fear: A community study of violence to women. London: Hutchinson. Harman, H. (2008). Tackling Violence Against Women: A cross-government narrative. Available: http://www.equalities.gov.uk/pdf/Tackling%20Violence%20against%20Women%20April%202008.pdf. Last accessed on 10th January 2011 Hester, M. and Westmarland, N. (2006) Service Provision for Perpetrators of Domestic Violence, Bristol: University of Bristol. Home Office (1983) Circular to Police 25/1983. London: HMSO. Home Office (1986) Violence Against Women. Circular to Police 69/1986. London: HMSO. Home Office (1990) Domestic Violence. Circular to Police 60/1990. London: HMSO. Home Office (1995) Inter-agency Co-ordination to Tackle Domestic Violence. London: HMSO. Home Office (1999) Living Without Fear: An Integrated Approach to Tackling Violence Against Women. London: HMSO. Home Office (2000a) Domestic Violence. Circular to Police 19/2000. London: HMSO. Home Office (2000b) Domestic Violence: Breaking the Chain, Multi-Agency Guidance for Addressing Domestic Violence. London: HMSO. Home Office (2002) Crime in England and Wales 2001/2002 (London: Home Office) Home Office (2009) Crime in England and Wales 2009/10: Quarterly Update to September 2009. Home Office Statistical Bulletin. London: Home Office. [online] Available at : http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs10/hosb0210.pdf. [Accessed on 20th October 2010] Home Office. (2010) Domestic Violence: Available: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/violencewomen.html. Last Accessed on 19th October 2010. Horley, S. (1988) Homing in on Violence. Police Review, January. Hoyle, C. (1998) Negotiating Domestic Violence: Police Criminal Justice and Victims. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaffe, P., Wolfe, D.A., Telford, A. and Austin, G. (1986) The Impact of Police Charges in Incidents of Wife Abuse. Journal of Family Violence. 1(1) p.37-49. Kashani, J. And Allen, W. (1998) The Impact of Family Violence on Children and Adolescents. London: Sage. Katz, S. and Mazur, M. (1979) Understanding the rape victim, New York: Wiley. Lewis, J. (2005). Nottingham Domestic Violence Strategy. Available: http://www.ndvf.org.uk/nottingham_city_council_policies_practice_strategy_on_domestic_violence. Last accessed 12th January 2011 Melton, H. Police Response to Domestic Violence. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, Volume 29, Numbers 1-2 (September 1999) pp. 1-21. Mullender, A. (1996) Rethinking Domestic Violence. London: Routledge. Noaks, L. and Wincup, E. (2004) Criminological research: understanding qualitative methods. London: Sage Publications. Pahl, J. (1985) Private Violence and Public Policy. London: Routeledge. Pizzey, E. (1974) Scream Quietly or the Neighbours Will Hear, London: Penguin. Sachs, A. (1978) ‘The Myth of Male Protectiveness and the Legal Subordination of Women’, in C. Smart and B. Smart (eds) Women, Sexuality and Social Control. London: Routledge. Smith, L.J.F. (1989) Domestic Violence. Home Office Research Study 107. London. HMSO. Stanko, E. (1985) Intimate Intrusions: Women’s experiences of male violence, London: Virago. Stanko, E. (2000) â€Å"The Day to Count: A Snapshot of the Impact of Domestic Violence in the UK† Criminal Justice 1:2. Stubbs, J. (1997), ‘Shame, Defiance and Violence against women: A Critical Analysis of â€Å"Communitarian† Conferencing’, in S. Cook and J. Bessant, eds., Womens Encouters With Violence: Australian Experiences. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Walby, S. and Allen, J. (2004) Domestic Violence, sexual assault and stalking: Findings from the British Crime Survey. Home Office Research Study 276. London: Home Office. Walker, L. (1979) The Battered Woman, New York: Harper and Colophon. Walklate, S. (2004) Gender, Crime and Criminal Justice, 2nd edn, Cullompton: Willan. Wallis, M. (1996) Outlawing Stalkers. Policing Today. Vol.2, 4 (pp. 25-29) Webb, E., Campbell, D., Schwartz, R. and Sechrest, L. (1966) Unobtrusive Measures: Nonreactive Research in the Social Sciences. Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing Company. Women’s National Commission (2003) Unlocking the secret: Women open the door on domestic violence. Findings from consultations with survivors. (Women’s National Commission) How to cite The legal response to domestic violence, Essay examples

Corporal punishment should be abolished in schools free essay sample

Corporal punishment is a form of physical punishment that involves the deliberate infliction of pain as retribution for an offence, or for the purpose of disciplining or reforming a wrongdoer, or to deter attitudes or behaviour deemed unacceptable. The term usually refers to methodically striking the offender with the open hand or with an implement, whether in judicial, domestic, or educational settings. Corporal punishment is defined by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child as: any punishment in which physical force is used and intended to cause some degree of pain or discomfort, however light.[1] History Depiction of a flogging at Oregon State Penitentiary, 1908  Corporal punishment was recorded as early as c. 10th Century BC in Book of Proverbs attributed to Solomon: He that spareth the rod hateth his son: but he that loveth him correcteth him betimes.[9] Withhold not correction from a child: for if thou strike him with the rod, he shall not die. Thou shalt beat him with the rod, and deliver his soul from hell.[10] It was certainly present in classical civilisations, being used in Greece, Rome, and Egypt for both judicial and educational discipline.[11] Some states gained a reputation for using such punishments cruelly; Sparta, in particular, used them as part of a disciplinary regime designed to build willpower and physical strength.[12] Although the Spartan example was extreme, corporal punishment was possibly the most frequent type of punishment. In the Roman Empire, the maximum penalty that a Roman citizen could receive under the law was 40 lashes or strokes with a whip applied to the back and shoulders, or with the fasces (similar to a birch rod, but consisting of 8–10 lengths of willow rather than birch) applied to the buttocks. Such punishments could draw blood, and were frequently inflicted in public. Quintilians (c. 35 – c. 100) early and complete opposition to corporal punishment is notable.  According to McCole Wilson, probably no more lucid indictment of it has been made in the succeeding two thousand years.[12] By that boys should suffer corporal punishment, though it is received by custom, and Chrysippus makes no objection to it, I by no means approve; first, because it is a disgrace, and a punishment fit for slaves, and in reality (as will be evident if you imagine the age change) an affront; secondly, because, if a boys disposition be so abject as not to be amended by reproof, he will be hardened, like the worst of slaves, even to stripes; and lastly, because, if one who regularly exacts his tasks be with him, there will not be the need of any chastisement Besides, after you have coerced a boy with stripes, how will you treat him when he becomes a young man, to whom such terror cannot be h eld out, and by whom more difficult studies must be pursued? Add to these considerations, that many things unpleasant to be mentioned, and likely afterwards to cause shame, often happen to boys while being whipped, under the influence of pain or fear; and such shame enervates and depresses the mind, and makes them shun peoples sight and feel constant uneasiness scandalously unworthy men may abuse the privilege of punishing, and what opportunity also the terror of the unhappy children may sometimes afford others. (Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1856 edition, I, III)[13] Corporal punishment in schools should be abolished Corporal punishment has been used in schools as a way of handling disciplinary problems. It refers to school rules which allow students to be punished using physical pain without causing injury. It is believed that using punitive method can promote students’ obedience and reduce problematic behaviour. As a result, it can decrease the number of disciplinary cases and maintain order inside the classroom. Indirectly, it will help to build students’ discipline. Thus, teachers can focus on teaching the students. However, I believe that corporal punishment will bring more harm than benefits. Therefore, the practice of corporal punishment in schools should be abolished. The first reason why I’m against corporal punishment is because it can create an unhealthy learning environment. Students, especially the young children should feel safe when they are in the classroom. They need to feel comfortable inside the classroom so the process  of teaching and learning can be optimized. If teachers often use corporal punishment such as caning or spanking, the children will feel threatened as they have the possibility to receive the punishment. This is not how the situation in a classroom should be because it will diminish students’ attitude toward school rather than building self-discipline. Some students might not want to attend school and skip the classes as they are scared to attend the classes. This situation can lead to truancy which can increase the number of discipline cases. Harsh punishment will also hinder open communication between students and teachers in the classroom. This is because students will perceive teachers as ‘colonels’ who are ready to punish any students who misbehave. Furthermore, some students will be afraid of voicing out their opinion in classroom discussion. Teachers and students should have good relationship in order to optimize the process of teaching and learning. Using caning or spanking will  Husaga (the right of the master of the household to corporally punish his servants) still permitted in Sweden during the 19th century. Peter Newell assumes that perhaps the most influential writer on the subject was the English

The US Congress, Presidency and Bureaucracy

Overview A government is the body through which a political unit exercises its power, controls policies and implements them. It also directs and controls the actions of its members. There are three main branches that constitute the Federal government of the United States. These are the legislative, judicial and executive. It carries out governmental power and functions.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The US Congress, Presidency and Bureaucracy specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The laws of the country are keenly enforced by the executive organ of the federal government while the judiciary plays the role of interpreting the laws that have been approved by the Congress. The United States is governed by a democratic form of government. The President is appointed in office through an electoral process in a free and fair polling process. Therefore, a democratically elected President is largely supported by the majority o the populace. The federal government of the United States was formed in the eighteenth century, making it one of the first modern national federations in the world. This form of government has been debated ever since it was established and its constitution ordained. There are parties that often push for unlimited powers of the federal government while others are of the contrary view that the central government should not be given expanse powers in discharging its duties. Two Non legislative functions of the Congress in Policy Making Process Congress has other roles apart from these two non legislative ones that are being discussed in this chapter. It works with the President in discussing public policies before they are implemented by the bureaucrats. It is made up of senators and representatives who are chosen through a direct election (Cummings and Wise 426). Each of them represents a district and serves a term that goes for two years. Seats in the house are shared among the st ates by the public. It meets in the United States capital, Washington DC. First it has the power to investigate and supervise the on goings in the executive. The Subpoena Power of the Congress is often charged with the duty of coordinating the various functions allocated to different committees. There have been concerns about how congress oversees the executive actions. Some critics have accused the congress of not doing a good enough job in supervising the other arms of the government. In the Plame Affair, critics claimed that the Supreme law making body was not performing as expected in overseeing this case. The interaction between the Congress and the Executive has also been of a major concern. For instance, the manner in which the Congress acts as watchdog on the executive decisions is paramount. It has always been the tradition of the Congress to oversee most policy matters endorsed by the executive to ensure that the latter does not go overboard in discharging its mandate The second non legislative role of the Congress is that it has the power of impeaching the incumbent and also removing other government officers from office, that is; federal judges and other federal officers.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The Congress has been influencing the Presidency in a variety of ways. Quite a number of factors account for this variance. For example, the leadership of the Congress as well as the political influence of the President when he or she is in office plays critical roles in the interaction between the Presidency and the Congress. The impeachment of Andrew Johnson reduced the power of the president compared to that of the congress for lengthy time after. Five Principle Roles of the President The President has five main roles that he plays: Head of State, Head of the executive, Commander in Chief, Chief Legislator and Chief Diplomat. The President also h as other important duties, but these five are the main ones required expected of him by the Constitution of the United States. The roles performed by the President go beyond mere legislation. Indeed, there are several ceremonial roles played by the President as a Chief Executive Officer of the country. He is the symbol of nationhood. Through this role the president can identify himself with the public which earns him respect with the people. He stands for the power of United States. Being the Chief Officer in charge of the country, the president is the leader of the executive organ of the government. He is assisted by his staff where he assigns most of the work to the executive and to the independent regulatory bodies that work within the executive section. The executive branch is considered to be a complex branch to run since the President has to cause the agencies and the bureaucrats implement his decisions and policies. In such times that he needs to have a strong sense of persu asion. As the Chief Executive, he also has the power to grant amnesty to those who may have offended the United States. The President is also a Commander in Chief; he is therefore the leader of the military of United States. He has authority to order when missiles should be launched and for troops to be commissioned. The President delegates his power to the commander of the armed forces. He makes decisions on when the military forces should commence their mission. However, the president does not have authority to declare war. There is however a constraint on his authority whereby he makes the decision then reports to the congress within a stipulated time. Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The US Congress, Presidency and Bureaucracy specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More He makes decisions on foreign policy and on how the United States should interact with other countries (Cummings and Wise 428). He has the advantage o f having extra information that congress may not have (for example The State Department, Pentagon, CIA all report to the President). He is the only one allowed to sign treaties after the Congress has approved. He also has the mandate to agree with other countries on executive matters. He has permission to acknowledge the validity of any other country. He has the power to use military to support his decisions as Chief Diplomat, an indication that sometimes his roles overlap. As Chief Legislator, the President has a duty to sign laws and to pass programs that will benefit his country. This is a more difficult role as he faces opposition within the congress especially if many of them make up the opposing political party. He uses his staff or liaisons to assist in persuading the congress to pass his programs. If he does not get votes on his bills he may threaten to veto their bills. Despite this, he has the responsibility to consider if the bills are good for the public even if he does not like parts of it. He has a duty to pass the bill with lines that he does not approve because it widely benefits the public. Towards the end of the 20th Century, the Supreme Court denied the president the rights to veto lines that he did not agree with, in which he could veto parts of a bill instead of the whole document. He however has permission to call back congress into a session or to end the sessions if need be. The above roles confirm that the President has a huge responsibility of ensuring the state is stable, united and secure. He also needs back up from his staff, the Congress and the bureaucrats. How Bureaucrats Shape Policy The perspective on ideology has the view that the first stages of a policy making agency are very important in determining its behavior.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The application of rules, control or even the use of officially documented authority to steer performance is all under what is referred to as bureaucratic control. It includes such details as budgetary allocation, preparation of reports, performance evaluation as well as regulating results. This is according to Max Weber, a German Sociologist. In the government sector bureaucrats ensure that the decisions made by the governments are implemented. They communicate with one another, maintain accountability, interpret the law hence the implementation. Congress has delegated an expansive amount of authority to the federal bureaucracy by giving the agencies the power to draft federal regulations and to look into conflicts over these regulations. However, controlling the bureaucracy may be challenging because of a number of reasons. The process of monitoring and supervising everyone or each operation in the bureaucracy cannot be done by the President alone owing to a lot of work involved. Second, the fact that the people who administer the policy often have more knowledge about issues compared to what the President knows, gives the bureaucrats power. It is sometimes hard to fire bureaucrats even for incompetence and since many federal agencies provide services to a large number of people, they sometimes work together to defend the agencies. Finally in the policy implementation, the agency is the one that works on specifics after the Congress creates and passes a new program. Some presidents view bureaucrats as a hindrance to getting their agenda approved, since they have to do a lot of lobbying and persuading. The manner in which operations of the federal programs should be handled and adhered to is greatly influenced by the federal bureaucracy. The rule making happens in phases. To begin with, the Congress has to pass the new laws which are then scrutinized and eventually published in an official document. Those interested are allowed comment on the rules during pub lic address or by forwarding their views to the agency. There are 60 days set aside for waiting by the agency after writing down the final regulations. Thereafter, the rules can then be reinforced through an implementation process. It is the duty of the Congress to ascertain that the rules are being implemented. Theoretically, the due process of implementing the policies that have been endorsed by the Congress lies in the hands of the bureaucrats. Nonetheless, critics have quite often observed that the policymaking process in the federal government is largely influenced by bureaucrats Theories on the Role of Government in the economy It is known that consumers and producers make most decisions that build the economy. Nonetheless, the activities of the federal government on the economic performance of US fall into four main categories. The entire rate of economic activities is determined by the federal government so as to ensure stability and growth in the country. In order tom achie ve this, the government acts by adjusting the sensitive monetary policies such as the level of spending as well as taxation regimes. In addition, the amount of money in circulation is also regulated. This may improve or reduce growth in the economy. As a result, two important factors namely the level of employment and pricing mechanisms. Since the 1930s the government has been working on regulating the economy through juggling between the fiscal policy and managing the money supply and controlling the use of credit. The fiscal policy was embraced between the 1960s and 1990s until the government experienced high inflation, unemployment and huge government deficits that caused the president and Congress to lose confidence in the fiscal policy. Hence, the Federal Reserve Board was charged with the responsibility of controlling all policies related to financial matters. The private sector is regulated by the federal government in two major ways.. In price controls, it focuses on prevent ing monopolies like electric utilities and agricultural goods from exploiting consumers and gaining unreasonable profits. Consequently, there are quite a number of industries that decided to control prices having complained of unfair price cutting modalities. On the other hand, the antitrust law aims at developing market forces that are formidable enough to avoid a situation whereby it is controlling the market in a direct manner. Further, both the public and private sector have at one time or another implemented this legislation to hinder or hamper what they refer to as total competition. The government has equally regulated the private sector to adhere to some of the most important social objectives like marinating a healthy environment. However this decision by the government has been challenged over a number of years. This has resulted to the government relaxing the rules in the 1980s. They claimed that such business elements like liberalized enterprise were greatly hampered and as a result, it significantly contributed to poor economic performance due to elevated costs of running businesses. The government provides direct services on every level ranging from providing the country with adequate territorial defense, giving support to research and development activities, carrying out exploration exercises through its appointed agents like NASA to implementing myriad of programs aimed at improving the working conditions of workers (Cummings and Wise 421). There are several ways through which the government assists small scale enterprises for instance through loans and technical aid. It also provides loans to college going students thereby expanding their chances of acquiring skills that increase chances for them to get employed. It also encourages home lending where people get mortgage loans making housing affordable. It gives Social Security to individuals who have no means to adequately care for themselves which is financed by a tax on employers and employe es. In summing up, the government plays a big role in ensuring that its citizens are economically secure and comfortable. In as much as consumers and producers play an enormous role, the regulatory role of the government ensures that all is in check and that there is equitable distribution of resources. Works Cited Cummings, Milton C. and Wise, David. Democracy under Pressure: An Introduction to the American Political System. New York: Wadsworth Thomson Learning, 2001. This essay on The US Congress, Presidency and Bureaucracy was written and submitted by user Jayc0b to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Verifica el costo de los community colleges por estado

Verifica el costo de los community colleges por estado A la hora de decidir dà ³nde estudiar, una de las ventajas de los Community Colleges es el costo, ya que es ms barato que el de las universidades. Si bien hay grandes diferencias por estados. Los Community Colleges, tambià ©n conocidos como colegios comunitarios, pueden ser privados, pero en su gran mayorà ­a son pà ºblicos y dependen del estado, de una ciudad o, incluso, de un condado. Y son estas instituciones pà ºblicas las que establecen las reglas sobre cunto cuesta la registracià ³n. En casi todos los 50 estados se establecen dos tipos de matrà ­cula: in state, para los residentes out of state, para los no residentes Para calificar como residente cada estado establece sus propias reglas. Por ejemplo, haber cursado la high school en ese estado. De tal manera que un vecino de Nueva Jersey que desea estudiar en Nueva York pagarà ­a como out of state. Tambià ©n son out of state los estudiantes internacionales con visas F-1 y M-1. Sin embargo, los indocumentados deben verificar cules son las reglas del estado en el que residen, ya que pueden calificar como in state. Por lo tanto, si a la hora de iniciar los estudios universitarios el costo es un factor fundamental a tener en cuenta, conviene verificar los precios de las matrà ­culas. Costo de los community colleges en Estados Unidos Alabama in state: $3,900 out of state: $7,622 La excepcià ³n es por un lado el Community College of the Air Force, que tiene un coste cero y por el otro Marion Military Institute, con un costo de $8,928 para los estudiantes residentes en el estado y de $14,928 para el resto. Alaska In state y out of state: $3,000. Alaska no cobra ms a los estudiantes que no son residentes en ese estado. Adems hay que destacar que el nà ºmero de estudiantes es realmente pequeà ±a en cada campus. Arizona In state: a partir de $1,008 por un semestre de 12 crà ©ditos. out of state, a partir de $4.026. En este estado algunos colegios comunitarios, como por ejemplo, el popular Maricopa, es del condado y establece costos diferentes segà ºn se resida en el mismo, en el resto de Arizona o de fuera. Arkansas In state, a partir de los $2,090 (Arkansas Notheastern) out of state a partir de los $3,890 en la misma institucià ³n, pero la mayorà ­a en el rango de los $3,900 a $6,600. California Este es un estado con muchà ­simos colegios comunitarios de entre los que elegir. Residentes, los costos comienzan a partir de los $1,382no residentes a partir de los $6,900.   California es, adems, uno de los estados con polà ­ticas ms amistosas hacia los indocumentados y es sede de la universidad ms popular entre los estudiantes internacionales: Southern California. Carolina del Norte Residentes en el estado, la matrà ­cula comienza a partir de los $2,208No residentes desde los $7,981. Sin embargo hay importantes excepciones, como el prestigioso Carolinas C. Health Science que tiene un costo para todo tipo de estudiantes de $9,271 por semestre para tiempo completo. Carolina del Sur In state tuition comienza en los $2,183 (Pamlico) aunque la mayorà ­a estn en el rango de los $3,500 a $4,900. Para lo residentes hay colegios comunitarios a partir de los $4,185 pero la mayorà ­a a partir de los $5,900 (Florence-Darlington Tech) e incluso varios cargan matrà ­culas por encima de los $10,000 por semestre, como por ejemplo Aiken Technical College, Midlands Tech, Technical Lowcountry o Greenville Technical. Colorado Los estudiantes del estado pagan entre $2,281 (Aims) y $4,500 (Community College of Denver). Los no residentes a partir de los $6,983 encuentran algunas posibilidades (Otero Junior), pero lo cierto es que muchos de ellos estn por encima de los $10,000 por semestre. Por ejemplo: Aims, Arapahoe, Community College of Aurora, Fort Range, Pueblo Community College, etc. Colorado cuenta con un sistema educativo pà ºblico excelente y sus colegios comunitarios son famosos por no pedir una calificacià ³n mà ­nima de TOEFL o por pedirlo bajo: 46 (Lamar), 45 (Pueblo), etc.   Connecticut En este estado hay una gran diferencia entre pagar in state o out of state. Los primeros encuentran colegios comunitarios la mayoria en el rango de los $3,700 a $3,900 por semestre. Por el contrario los no residentes pagan en la mayorà ­a de las instituciones por encima de los $11,000.   Adems, hay importantes excepciones a las dos categorà ­as de estudiantes. Asà ­, Goodwin College cobra $19,400 por semestre para residentes y no residentes y St. Vicent ´s College cobra una matrà ­cula similar. Dakota del Norte Para los residentes se puede encontrar colegios comunitarios a partir de los $2,000 (Turtle Mountain) pero la mayorà ­a estn entre los $3,300 y los $5,210 (United Tribes Tech). Para los no residentes el precio varà ­a desde los $2,050 (Turtle) a los $10,084 (Bismark State), pero la mayorà ­a se encuentra entre los $3,000 y $5,600. Dakota del Sur La mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios en este estado cobran por igual a todos los estudiantes sin tener en cuenta su lugar de residencia. Los precios varà ­an desde los $3,790 de Sisseton Wahpeton a los $9,000 de Kilian Comunity College.   Delaware Una buen aparte de los Community Colleges cobra a los estudiantes del estado $3,274 mientras que los de fuera pagan $7,274-$7,804. Hay importantes excepciones, como por ejemplo Delaware Art and Design que tiene una matrà ­cula de $23,390 para todos los alumnos. Adems esa escuela pide un 79 en el TOEFL. Florida La mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios cobran entre $2,900 y $3,300 a los estudiantes del estado. Sin embargo, los no residentes pagan cantidades muy superiores, a partir de los $10,791 (Gulf Coast) llegando incluso a estar algunos por encima de los $13,000, como por ejemplo Florida Keys. Georgia En este estado sureà ±o la mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios pà ºblicos cobran entre los $3,000 y los $5,400 por semestre a los residentes. Sin embargo, para los no residentes hay grandes variedades en el costo de la matrà ­cula, desde los que cobran aproximadamente $5,500 (Albany Technical, Augusta Tech, Chattahoochee Tec, Georgia Military o Wiregrass Georgia Tech) y los que cobran por encima de los $10,000, como por ejemplo Atlanta Metropolitan, A. Baldwin Agricultural College o Bainbridge. Hawaii En este archipià ©lago, considerado como uno de los mejores estados para vivir, en la mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios los residentes del estado pagan un tercio de la matrà ­cula de lo que pagan los de fuera del mismo. Por ejemplo, Hawaii C.C. cobra $3.314 a los primeros y $9,254 a los segundos. Idaho En este estado de gran belleza natural las matrà ­culas para los residentes se mueven en el arco de los $2,200 a los $4,000 por semestre. Por el contrario los no residentes deben esperar pagar entre $8,000 y $9,600.   Illinois En este estado del Medio Oeste americano hay una gran diferencia de costo  entre los residentes ($2,700-$4,350) y los no residentes ($6,250-$14,438). Indiana Este estado tiene un buen nà ºmero de colegios comunitarios que cobran en torno a los $4,000 a los residentes y casi $8,000 para los no residentes. Iowa En este estado hay diferencias entre in state y out of state, pero no son muy grandes. Por ejemplo, Hawkeye cobra $4,530 a los primeros y $5,280 a los segundos. Hay excepciones como por ejemplo Des Moines Area que cobra $4,080 a los primeros y exactamente el doble a los segundos. Kansas Salvo excepciones, los costos en este estado son bajos para residentes y no residentes. Por ejemplo: Barton County cobra $2,820 a los primeros y $3,750 a los segundos. Incluso los hay que cobran igual, como Manhattan Area Tech. Pero tambià ©n es cierto que en algunos la diferencia es grande (pero siguen siendo asequibles). Por ejemplo, Kansas City Community College cobra $2,490 in state y $6,210 out of state. Kentucky En este estado sureà ±o los costos de los no residentes casi cuatriplican a los de los estudiantes in state. Mientras que los segundos pagan aproximadamente $4,320, los primeros tienen una matrà ­cula de $15,120. Louisiana Los no residentes pagan entre el doble y el triple de los residentes. Por ejemplo, Baton Rouge cobra $3,366 in state y $7,422 out of state. En algunos colegios comunitarios como Eunice la diferencia entre ambas matrà ­culas es mayor. Maine En este estado atlntico la mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios cuestan en torno a los $3,500 para in state y aproximadamente $6,000 para los no residentes. Sin embargo hay importantes excepciones como por ejemplo Central Maine Medical donde la matrà ­cula para ambos tipos de estudiante es de $9,550. Maryland Mientras que para los residentes las matrà ­culas se encuentran en el rango de los $3,500 a $4,500, los out of the state pagan notablemente ms, habiendo grandes diferencias segà ºn la institucià ³n. Por ejemplo, Allegany cobra $7,438, mientras que Montgomery College $11,724. Massachusetts Para los residentes los precios oscilan desde lo moderado ($4,230 en Bunker Hill, por ejemplo) a caro ($16,950 en Benjamin Franklin Inst Tech).  Para los out of state prcticamente es imposible encontrar matrà ­culas por debajo de los $10,000. En este estado se encuentran dos de las universidades privadas de Estados Unidos: MIT, de gran fama para estudiar ingenierà ­a, y Harvard, una de las Ivy League ms apetecibles para los mejores estudiantes. Michigan Este es un estado con muchos colegios comunitarios. Para los residetnes los precios van desde los $2,700 (Kalamazoo Valley) a los $5,142 (Hennepin). Para los no residentes los precios varà ­an enormemente, desde los $5,700 (Lansing) a varios community colleges por encima de los $10,000, como Bay de Noc, Grand Rapids o Mid Michigan. Minnesota   Este estado tiene una gran variedad de costo, desde los colegios comunitarios con el mismo costo para residentes y no residentes (Alexandria Tech, Anoka, Central Lakes) y en torno a los $5,000 a pequeà ±as diferencias o notables. Ejemplo de esto à ºltimo es Lake Superior, donde los out of state pagan $9,536, casi el doble que los in state. Mississippi En este estado sureà ±o los no residentes pagan casi el doble que los residentes en la mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios, pero siguen siendo precios entre los ms bajos. Por ejemplo: East Mississippi: $2,600 para in state y $4,800 para out of state. Este ejemplo se puede considerar estndard del estado. Missouri La mayorà ­a de los residentes pagan entre $2,800 y $5,300 mientras que los out of state entre $3,800 y $6,450. Hay excepciones importantes como Linn State Tech donde se paga respectivamente $5,310 y $10,050. Montana Mientras que la matrà ­cula para los residentes oscila entre los $2,400 y los $3,060, los out of state tienen rangos muy diferentes. Por ejemplo, en Little Big Horn el costo es de $2,860 y en Flahead Valley es de $11,066. Nebraska Para los out of state  los precios son moderados, entre los $3,300 y los $7,900 mientras que para los in state las matrà ­culas oscilan entre los $2,600 y los $4,200. La institucià ³n ms cara es Nebraska College of Agriculture. Nevada En el estado del juego los residentes pagan $2,700 por cursar en un colegio comunitario mientras que los out of state deben desembolsar $9,345. Nueva Jersey En el Estado Jardà ­n los in state pagan entre los $3,700 y los $5,400. Los no residentes deben abonar entre los $4,400 (Camden) y los $14,100 (Cumberland County). Nueva York En la mayorà ­a de los colegios comunitarios los in state pagan en torno a los $4,500 por semestre mientras que los no residentes pagan casi el doble. Esto hay que tenerlo en cuenta, principalmente en la ciudad de Nueva York, ya de por sà ­ una de las ciudadades ms caras del paà ­s. Hay importantes excepciones. Por ejemplo, en Hudson Valley la matrà ­cula para residentes es de $4,542 y para los out of state es de $12,502. Adems, el American Academy of Dramatic Arts cobra $30,650 sin hacer distincià ³n en el lugar de residencia del estudiante. Nuevo Hampshire En este estado los colegios comunitarios no son baratos. Los residentes pagan entre $6,100 y $6,900 y los no residentes entre los $13,800 y los $14,940 (NHTI-Concord). Nuevo Mà ©xico Este es uno de los estados ms baratos para estudiar en un colegio comunitario. Para los residentes en el estado las matrà ­culas son inferiores a los $2,000, incluso a los $1,000 con las excepciones de Navajo Tech ($2,780) y Nuevo Mexico Military Inst ($6,741). Para los no residentes los precios son tambià ©n asequibles, en el abanico de los $2,000 a $$4,800, con las excepcià ³n de Centran New Mexico ($6,680) y New Mexico Military ($11,260). Ohio En Ohio hay grandes diferencias de costos segà ºn la institucià ³n. Para los in state van desde los $2,977 de Lorain County a los $10,456 de Chatfield College. Para los out of state los costos van desde los $4,390 de Eastern Gateway a los $14,735 de Cleveland State. Oklahoma En este estado los in state pagan entre los $2,800 y los $3,600. Los out of state tienen un rango que va desde los $5,500 a los $9,300. La excepcià ³n es el colegio Muscogee Nation donde ambos pagan $6,593. Oregà ³n En este estado del Pacà ­fico los in state abonan precios entre los $3,600 y los $5,500 mientras que la variacià ³n para los out of state es mucho mayor, desde los $4,400 de Tillamook Bay a los $15,975 de Clatsop. Pennsylvania Este estado, de grandes dimensiones, brinda oportunidades muy distintas en cuanto a precio, tanto para residentes como out of state. Para los primeros es posible enconrar a partir de los $2,250 (Wilson), pero tambià ©n los hay caros como Bidwell Training ($14,000) o Rosedale Tech ($13,810). Para los no residentes los precios comienzan a partir de los $8,000. Rhode Island En este pequeà ±o estado el Community College de Rhode Island brinda una matrà ­cula de $3,950 a los residentes del estado y de $10,582 a los de fuera. Tennessee Este es otro de los estados con grandes diferencias entre in state y out of state. Par los primeros la matrà ­cula est aproximadamente en los $3,800 meintras que los out of state alcanzan los $14,600.   Hay poca variedad de precios. Sin embargo una de las ventajas de estudiar en este estado es que cuenta con la ciudad ms barata de Estados Unidos. Texas Este estado se encuentra entre los que brindan matrà ­culas ms baratas. Los in state entre los $1,700 y $2,500.   Incluso para los out of state los costos son moderados, generalmente por debajo de los $4,500, si bien con excepciones notables como Austin C.C ($10,860) o Central Texas ($6,270). Utah El LDS Business College brinda para todos la misma matrà ­cula de aproximadamente $3,000 pro semestre. Por el contrario Salt Lake CC y Snow College hacen una gran diferencia entre in state (menos de $3,500) y out of state (ms de $10,000). Vermont El Community College of Vermont tiene una matrà ­cula de $7,090 para in state y de $14,050 para el resto de los estudiantes. Virginia Este estado tiene una oferta grande de colegios comunitarios. Mientras que los residentes pagan aproximadamente $4,000 los out of state pagan en torno a los $9,000-$10,000 o ms. Virginia Occidental Un buen ejemplo es el Northern Community College, donde 12 crà ©ditos cuestan $1,500 para los residentes y $4,800 para los estudiantes out of state. Washington Los in state tienen matrà ­culas en torno a los $4,000. Sin embargo hay grandes diferencias entre colegios comunitarios para los no residentes con matrà ­culas que van desde los $4,500 (Wenatchee Valley) a los $9,800 (Bates Technical). Wisconsin Este es otro estado con una gran oferta en colegios comunitarios. Los residentes pagan matrà ­culas entre los $3,900 y los $5,900 mientras que los no residentes pagan entre $5,700 (Lakeshore) y los $12,000, en los campus de Fond du Luc, Fox Valley, Marathon, Richland y Sheboyan de la Universidad de Wisconsin. Wyoming En este estado las variaciones son pocas. Los in state pagan entre $2,500 y $2,800 y los no residentes entre $6,200 y $6,600. Formas de pagar por los estudios universitarios Estudiar en Estados Unidos puede salir muy caro. Hay que tener reservas no sà ³lo para la matrà ­cula sino tambià ©n para el alojamiento, libros, seguros mà ©dicos, etc. Adems del dinero que pueda tener ahorrado cada familia o estudiante se pueden solicitar becas y/o crà ©ditos. Las reglas son distintas segà ºn se trate de estudiantes internacionales, ciudadanos, residentes o indocumentados. Por ejemplo, estadounidenses y titulares de la green card pueden acceder a ayuda financiera a travà ©s de FAFSA. Los estudiantes internacionales tienen becas abiertas a todo tipo de estudiantes, incluso en universidades de à ©lite y tambià ©n tienen un sistema de crà ©ditos pensados para ellos. En cuanto a los indocumentados, tienen becas para ellos, otras abiertas para todos, sin que importe su estatus migratorio. Y todo tipo de estudiantes debe consultar e informarse sobre las ayudas financieras que ofrecen sus respectivas universidades, incluidas las mejores del paà ­s. Dedicir quà © estudiar y dà ³nde es un proceso largo y complejo donde sin duda el costo es un factor fundamental a tener en cuenta.